Monthly Archives: September 2025

Trump 2.0: Give Us Your Rich

Today’s post is going to focus exclusively on immigration, in light of some new announcements yesterday from President Trump.

At the risk of oversimplifying, I think of immigration policy as having two main parts: setting rules governing the presence of foreigners; and enforcement actions against people who are present in the U.S. but are not in compliance with the applicable rules. Both are, admittedly, very complicated topics.

Most of what we’re talking about when we talk about “immigration” in the news is about the enforcement side — e.g., whether a class of people who have been living here peacefully for years without any legal status should be granted some form of status, or whether they should instead be rounded up and deported. Sometimes we’re talking about the rules side — e.g., what process should be followed for individuals with claims of asylum, or whether there should be greater vetting of social media posts before admitting people on student visas. And sometimes a topic straddles both topics — e.g., whether to eliminate Temporary Protected Status from some class of individuals and, if so, what enforcement actions to take on members of that class.

As an immigrant myself, I care about both the rules and how they are enforced. To give a flavor of my perspective on these complex matters, here’s something I wrote on Facebook back in 2018, and I think I still agree with almost all, maybe even all, of it:

(1) The USA needs immigrants. Fertility rates are down and the ratio of retirees per active worker is projected to climb dramatically. Japan went through that without embracing immigration, and their standing in the world has suffered for it.

(2) The USA needs measured constraints on immigration. 100 years ago, “give us your tired and poor” made eminent sense; the country was still in a growth phase. Our economy is more mature now, and it is critically important to be selective about who joins the American melting pot — certainly not from a geographic/racial standpoint, but from the standpoint of ability to make contributions to our society. Which doesn’t mean all immigrants need to be skilled workers; but, we ought to focus on bringing skilled workers in, and having them want to stay.

(3) Adherence to immigration law is an important civic principle. Of course, one also needs for those laws and the regulations implementing them to make sense, and for the enforcement systems to be properly funded and staffed. (Neither of those things has been done particularly well in recent decades.) This becomes even more important as we inevitably transition our economy away from the “everyone should work 40+ hours a week” model in light of automation etc, and more towards a “share the rewards of the economy broadly” model (e.g., universal basic income and other ‘entitlements’).

(4) The USA ought to be empathetic towards political refugees seeking asylum, and should treat asylum-seekers with dignity. However, asylum-seekers shouldn’t have unconstrained access to the country while awaiting adjudication of their claim. This may make detention facilities of some form a necessary evil.

(5) We very much need a single, free, government-provided National ID card that: is difficult to fake (biometrics?); demonstrates one’s legal status (citizen, LPR, visa, etc); and becomes how one routinely accesses government services, including schools, hospitals, gun acquisition/registration, driving rights, tax filing, and voting. “Show me your papers” ought not be a threat, but rather a routine part of daily life. Once it is, then life in the USA without legal paperwork becomes burdensome and the concept of so-called “self-deportation” becomes realistic instead of laughable.

(6) Once we have the National ID card, then all levels of government should have a general duty to enforce the immigration laws. No concept of “sanctuary cities”. If you come into contact with a civil servant and can’t demonstrate your legal status, then you enter the immigration enforcement system. That system, however, needs to treat people with dignity. No stealth deportations; give people a chance to wind up their affairs in an orderly manner.

(7) In the transition to the National ID card, it likely makes sense to regularize the status of some people, particularly the ‘dreamers’, as well as those who have been illegally so long that their nexus with their home country has become remote. This ‘amnesty’ can be done without creating a precedent for the future, because putting the ID card in place changes the game entirely.

(8) Legal immigrants deserve to be able to vote in, at a minimum, local elections.

In the 7 years since I wrote that, we’ve taken more steps backwards than forwards in achieving the principles I laid out.

And, it would seem, we’re about to take a major step backwards with respect to an aspect of immigration policy that is particularly near and dear to my heart, namely the main means by which educated foreigners enter the U.S. for work and pursue a path that may lead eventually to permanent residency and ultimately citizenship: the H-1B visa.

The H-1B visa program has attracted a tremendous amount of criticism in recent years, with critics arguing that it has been exploited by technology outsourcing firms to enable replacement of U.S. workers by lower-paid foreign workers, who are at the mercy of their sponsoring employer. I agree that this type of exploitation is completely contrary to the original aims and objectives of the H-1B program and needs to be curbed.

Having said that, my personal experience–which, admittedly, is 25 years old at this point–with the H-1B program bears no resemblance to that criticism. When I first left graduate school in Chicago to seek entry-level employment in the actuarial field, as a Canadian I was able to obtain a TN visa; however within a couple of years, my employer was able and willing to sponsor me for an H-1B. I switched employers at least once, maybe even twice (my memory is getting fuzzy), while on an H-1B, and at no time was I getting paid less than an American would have gotten paid for those jobs, nor was I “taking a job away from an American”. Rather, I was getting those jobs in the normal fashion through a competitive interview process, with my employer concluding I was the best-qualified person for the role and willing to pay not only a market salary to me, but also a modest amount of fees and legal expenses (probably on the order of a few thousand dollars) connected with my visa status.

As such, for all the talk of exploitation by outsourcing firms, the H-1B program has played and continues to play an important role in providing a path for high-potential, U.S.-educated foreigners to pursue their early-stage career ambitions here in the U.S., and to consider building their lives here. H-1B visas have become increasingly harder to obtain today than was true in my time, causing some people I’ve worked with to abandon their ambitions of working and settling in the U.S. and move elsewhere. Yet, it remains the case that many of the younger actuaries I work with are here on H-1B visas. hired by my employer not because they are a cheaper alternative to U.S. labor (which they are not), but because they are talented and hard-working and want to be in this country.

Yesterday, Trump issued a proclamation, “Restriction on Entry of Certain Nonimmigrant Workers,” which imposes a $100,000 fee on H-1B visa applications, effective Monday.

Right now there is a lack of clarity on what exactly this means, whether it applies only to completely new applicants or whether it applies in some fashion to people already on H-1B visas. I’ve also seen articles suggesting that the fee would need to be paid anew every year while the applicant remains on an H-1B. And, one imagines, there will be lawsuits, because with this administration there are always lawsuits.

But if we step back: If this proclamation had been made by President Clinton, I almost certainly would not have spent these past three decades in the U.S., but instead would have returned to Canada and built a completely different life there than the life I’ve led here. Nobody is going to pay $100,000 a year in fees, plus market wages, to hire a promising young foreigner for a relatively junior actuarial position. If you’re an A.I. researcher graduating from a PhD program, sure, maybe the $100,000 fee makes economic sense to a prospective employer. For the rest of us, the door to America is closing. Trump is telling the Rowen Bell of today, whoever he or she may be, that they are not welcome here.

And to make even more explicit the theme that “give us your tired, your poor” has been replaced with “give us your rich”, yesterday Trump also issued an Executive Order directing the Secretary of Commerce to create a new immigrant visa program called the Gold Card. This new visa would require a payment of $1 million by an individual on their own behalf, or $2 million by a corporate sponsor.

This program differs from similar “golden visa” programs across the world, including the U.S. EB-5 program, in that those programs are structured around the applicant making a capital investment in the country, typically involving the creating of new jobs. Whereas, Trump’s Gold Card proposal just requires a payment of cash to the U.S. government, who will supposedly use the proceeds “to promote commerce and American industry”.

And the government’s new “Trump Card” website also talks about a Platinum Card, which would require a $5 million payment and would allow the holder to spend up to 270 days per year in the U.S. without being subject to U.S. income tax on non-U.S. income. That would be a significant modification to current U.S. tax policy, under which anybody who meets the substantial presence test is subject to U.S. income tax on their worldwide income.

Does the U.S. immigration system’s rules for admitting foreigners need reform? Hell yes. But does it need these particular reforms? Hell no.

Trump 2.0: K, i, …

My last post was written shortly after the assassination of Republican activist Charlie Kirk, but before any arrests had been made. Within 48 hours of the shooting, the alleged assassin was in custody. He is a 22-year-old white male, from a Republican Mormon family in Utah, who had dropped out of university after one semester and then enrolled in a trade school.

The alleged killer’s demographic profile did not exactly fit the template that the right wing was expecting, given their immediate reaction in the wake of the murder that the “radical left” were to blame. A viral tweet captured the moment: “Civil war cancelled due to shooter being demographically uncooperative.”

Several days later, the picture is still a little murky about the alleged killer’s politics and motivations. However, the emerging story from prosecutors is that he had become romantically involved with his roommate, a trans woman, and said he’d “had enough of [Kirk’s] hatred” towards trans individuals. There is no sign so far of any other parties being involved in this act of political violence.

Even so, there is legitimate worry in certain circles that the administration may use Kirk’s shooting as a pretext for repressing left-leaning organizations and voices. As an op-ed yesterday in The Guardian put it, “we must not let the shooting of Charlie Kirk become Trump’s Reichstag fire.” For his part, Trump yesterday asserted he would be designating antifa as a “terrorist organization,” which seems hard to do seeing as how antifa doesn’t actually exist.

On Monday night, late-night talk show host Jimmy Kimmel made the following comment in his monologue:

“We hit some new lows over the weekend with the MAGA Gang desperately trying to characterize this kid who murdered Charlie Kirk as anything other than one of them and doing everything they can to score political points from it.”

(This was, incidentally, the day before the court documents were filed asserting that the alleged killer’s motives may have been related to trans rights.)

Later that week, the Trump-appointed chair of the FCC accused Kimmel of “appearing to directly mislead the American public about a significant fact” and made comments threatening ABC’s broadcast license. To my tastes, the FCC chair’s comments misrepresent what Kimmel actually said. Kimmel did not say the alleged killer was a MAGAite; he said that conservatives were doing everything possible to paint him as not being a MAGAite, notwithstanding that he’s a 22-year-old white Mormon male from Utah raised in a conservative family.

Then yesterday, Disney-owned ABC announced that they were suspending Jimmy Kimmel’s late-night talk show indefinitely. ABC had previously agreed to pay $15 million towards Trump’s presidential library in order to settle a (possibly frivolous) defamation lawsuit; now, they have bent the knee further. Democrats are calling on the FCC chair to resign, as if that will happen.

So, the 1st Amendment is now under significant assault by the administration. Terrific… No statement yet from Kimmel; it will be interesting to see his reaction, which may well come in the form of one or more lawsuits.

In other news, on Monday the D.C. Circuit Court ruled 2-1 against Trump’s motion to lift the stay that a lower court had placed on his alleged firing “for cause” of Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook. The majority opinion ruled that Cook’s due process argument had merit, and therefore they did not need to (nor did they) reach the merits of her argument about the meaning of “for cause”. The dissenting judge, by contrast, opined that “for cause” could basically mean whatever the President wants it to mean, rather than the more limited range of potential “causes” outlined in Judge Cobb’s lower court opinion. Today Trump elevated the case to SCOTUS, so Trump v. Cook is now sitting on the shadow docket. In the meantime, the factual accuracy of the “mortgage fraud” allegations against Cook have been cast into doubt, while journalists have uncovered that Treasury Secretary Bessent appears to have once engaged in the exact same form of “mortgage fraud” conduct that underpins the allegations against Cook.

Finally, no federal troops are in Chicago yet, although the National Guard will imminently be deployed to Memphis for crime prevention purposes, with the support of Tennessee’s (Republican) governor.

Trump 2.0: Profile

It’s the 24th anniversary of 9/11 today. And it’s been quite a week, even if things have remained quiet in Chicago, which is where I feared the week’s emphasis would be after last weekend’s Chipocalyptic social media post.

On Monday we had another apparent 6-3 shadow docket decision from SCOTUS to overturn a lower court order aimed at preventing the government from immediately doing something that smells illegal, pending full resolution of the legal issues involved. This story is getting old.

This week’s case, Noem v. Vazquez Perdomo, involves racial profiling by ICE. There has recently been an apparent pattern of behavior in which ICE are stopping individuals in L.A. based solely on a combination of four factors — ethnicity, language/accent, location, and profession — without having any other reason to believe the individuals have violated immigration laws. A District Court judge in California issued an injunction preventing the government from acting so indiscriminately, and the 9th Circuit declined to overturn that injunction; but now, SCOTUS has overturned it.

Sotomayor wrote a dissenting opinion joined by the other two liberals, using the less polite phrase “I dissent” rather than the customary “I respectfully dissent.” The standout sentence from the dissent is: “We should not have to live in a country where the Government can seize anyone who looks Latino, speaks Spanish, and appears to work a low wage job.”

The majority offered no explanation for its ruling. However, Kavanaugh did pen a 10-page concurrence explaining his reasoning, although it was not joined by any of the conservatives, nor did it satisfy the liberals. Sotomayor writes: “[I]t is the Government’s burden to prove that it has reasonable suspicion to stop someone. The concurrence improperly shifts the burden onto an entire class of citizens to carry enough documentation to prove that they deserve to walk freely. The Constitution does not permit the creation of such a second-class citizenship status.”

Speaking of profiles, earlier this summer the WSJ had published an article alleging that Trump had written a curious poem for Jeffrey Epstein’s 50th birthday two decades ago, including a drawing of a naked woman and a signature in what would be the woman’s pubic region. Trump had vigorously denied this and sued the WSJ and Rupert Murdoch. Well, this week House Democrats released the picture, which is contained in a bound book prepared for that birthday celebration and recently provided to Congress by the Epstein estate. Trump again denied that the signature was his, upon which the media promptly found several other examples from that period of Trump using the very same signature style.

There continue to be efforts made in Congress to force the government to release more of the DOJ’s Epstein files. Representatives Massie (R-KY) and Khanna (D-CA) have collaborated on a discharge petition to force Speaker Johnson to call a vote on the matter. Yesterday a new Democratic representative from Virginia took office, thanks to this week’s by-election (in which the Democratic majority expanded from 67-33 in November to 75-25), and his election leaves the petition only one vote short. That vote should be provided in about two weeks, after an Arizona by-election in a safe Democratic seat occurs. Today Schumer tried to force the issue in the Senate, falling short 49-51; Hawley and Paul joined the Democrats, but Collins and Murkowski did not.

Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook received an district court injunction keeping her in office, notwithstanding Trump’s purported firing of her “for cause” based on alleged mortgage fraud transpiring before her appointed to the Fed. Per Judge Cobb’s ruling: “The best reading of the “for cause” provision is that the bases for removal of a member of the Board of Governors are limited to grounds concerning a Governor’s behavior in office and whether they have been faithfully and effectively executing their statutory duties. “For cause” thus does not contemplate removing an individual purely for conduct that occurred before they began in office.” Today Trump filed an emergency appeal with the D.C. Circuit, seeking to get her out of office before the Fed’s two-day meeting next week, at which the Fed is widely expected to begin lowering interest rates.

But, overshadowing all of this news as well as the 9/11 anniversary was the shocking assassination yesterday afternoon of Charlie Kirk, the Republican activist who was almost certainly the best-known U.S. political figure born in the 1990s (noting that AOC was born in late 1989). Kirk was killed in the middle of an outdoor speech he was giving at Utah Valley University, shot in the neck by a single bullet fired from 200 yards away. It has been over 24 hours at this point since the assassination and the shooter has yet to be apprehended, although today authorities released the picture of a person of interest. Notwithstanding that the profile of the shooter was completely unknown, Trump swiftly blamed the “radical left” while recounting a list of political violence that failed to include incidents perpetrated by right-leaning individuals, such as this summer’s assassinations in Minnesota.

Trump 2.0: War?

While the first half of the week contained some promising legal news, there have been several unsettling developments as the week progressed.

On Friday, Trump signed an executive order entitled “Restoring the United States Department of War”. We’d had a Department of War from 1789 through 1947, at which point it was renamed the Department of the Army; then in 1949 the Departments of Army, Navy, and Air Force were in effect combined into the modern Department of Defense. It would apparently take a statute to formally rename the Department of Defense, but Trump’s order authorizes the use of the terms Department of War and Secretary of War (for Hegseth) in “official correspondence, public communications, ceremonial contexts, and non-statutory documents within the executive branch.”

Earlier in the week, U.S. military forces carried out an air strike on a boat in the Caribbean, ostensibly because the boat was involved in drug trafficking by the Venezuelan “terrorist organization” Tren de Aragua. The legality of this strike is doubtful, although the President’s formal letter to Congress about the strike suggested the strike was justifiable on grounds of national self-defense, even though the 11 people killed in the attack would appear to be civilians rather than soldiers. Some are wondering if Trump is setting the stage for a war against Venezuela, perhaps in Wag The Dog fashion to distract from other woes.

Then yesterday, Trump made a social media post with an AI-generated picture that is beyond belief. The background is Chicago, burning and with helicopters flying over it; the caption reads “Chipocalypse Now”, in the font associated with the 1979 war movie Apocalypse Now; and the picture shows Trump’s face superimposed over the body & clothes of the officer played by Robert Duvall in that film. The text in the social media post reads: ” ‘I love the smell of deportations in the morning…’ Chicago about to find out why it’s called the Department of WAR.” I have no words.

Trump 2.0: The Arc Bends

President Obama was particularly fond of a Martin Luther King Jr. quote about the arc of the moral universe bending towards justice. It has been a pretty good week in that regards, for a change.

The week started on Tuesday with Judge Breyer’s decision in Newsom v. Trump, the case in which the California Governor argued that the President’s use, in L.A. starting in June, of the Marines and the federalized National Guard to execute domestic law was a violation of the Posse Comitatus Act. In Breyer’s ruling, he agrees that the Posse Comitatus Act was violated. He also granted injunctive relief (currently stayed until September 12th), along the following lines:

“Defendants are enjoined from deploying, ordering, instructing, training, or using the National Guard currently deployed in California, and any military troops heretofore deployed in California, to execute the laws, including but not limited to engaging in arrests, apprehensions, searches, seizures, security patrols, traffic control, crowd control, riot control, evidence collection, interrogation, or acting as informants, unless and until Defendants satisfy the requirements of a valid constitutional or statutory exception, as defined herein, to the Posse Comitatus Act.”

Consistent with the new world order frowning on universal injunctions, Breyer’s injunctive relief is narrowly tailored to California, although Breyer noted in his ruling the President’s threats to send National Guard troops into Oakland and San Francisco, underscoring the need for such relief in parts of the state beyond L.A. Having said that, one imagines his opinion will carry some weight if and when officials in, say, Illinois are faced with federal troops sent in to carry out immigration raids.

Later that same day, the 5th Circuit issued a substantive (as opposed to due process) ruling in an Alien Enemies Act case relating to the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua. Many observers had felt that, the 5th being the most conservative of the circuit courts, there was a greater likelihood that the administration might receive a favorable ruling in this district on its interpretation of the 1798 statute. However, in the case once called A.A.R.P. v. Trump but now called W.M.M. v. Trump, by a 2-1 majority the panel ruled that “we find no invasion or predatory incursion,” and thus enjoined the government from relying on the AEA to deport members of a class of affected individuals. Judge Oldham, perhaps auditioning for a SCOTUS appointment under Trump, wrote a 130-page opinion with the unusual ending “I respectfully but emphatically dissent.”

Then yesterday, Judge Burroughs gave Harvard University a thorough legal victory in Harvard v. HHS, contesting the administration’s actions in April and May to strip the university of roughly $2 billion in federal research funding, purportedly due to concerns about Harvard’s actions to combat antisemitism. The summary of paragraph of her ruling reads:

“Defendants and the President are right to combat antisemitism and to use all lawful means to do so. Harvard was wrong to tolerate hateful behavior for as long as it did. The record here, however, does not reflect that fighting antisemitism was Defendants’ true aim in acting against Harvard and, even if it were, combatting antisemitism cannot be accomplished on the back of the First Amendment. We must fight against antisemitism, but we equally need to protect our rights, including our right to free speech, and neither goal should nor needs to be sacrificed on the altar of the other. Harvard is currently, even if belatedly, taking steps it needs to take to combat antisemitism and seems willing to do even more if need be. Now it is the job of the courts to similarly step up, to act to safeguard academic freedom and freedom of speech as required by the Constitution, and to ensure that important research is not improperly subjected to arbitrary and procedurally infirm grant terminations, even if doing so risks the wrath of a government committed to its agenda no matter the cost.”

(“Committed to its agenda no matter the cost” will likely end up being the epitaph for this administration, TACO notwithstanding.)

Perhaps the most interesting part of Burroughs’ opinion is found in a footnote. In order to explain that context of that footnote, however, I need to go back a couple of weeks and mention an August SCOTUS shadow docket decision that I hadn’t previously mentioned, NIH v. AHPA.

That case arose out of the administration’s termination of a large number of NIH grants to researchers, for which the 1st Circuit had provided injunctive relief. Consistent with most of its other recent shadow docket actions, SCOTUS has now lifted the lower court stay, allowing the grant terminations to take effect while litigation on their legality continues, while at the same time creating an odd two-track process for that ongoing litigation. In NIH v. AHPA the Court splintered more than it usually does, in an unusual 4-1-4 configuration: Roberts and the 3 liberals would have kept the stay in place; the 3 arch-conservatives and Kavanaugh would have lifted it entirely; and as such Barrett’s opinion, joined by nobody else, ends up controlling the situation.

But Gorsuch wrote a scathing concurrence, the first sentence of which reads: “Lower court judges may sometimes disagree with this Court’s decisions, but they are never free to defy them.” In Gorsuch’s mind, the outcome of this case was pre-ordained by a 5-4 shadow docket decision from early April, in Dept. of Education v. California, and hence the lower court’s ruling was contrary to established SCOTUS precedent. (Never mind that in Roberts’ dissent, joined by the 3 liberals, he believes that this case is in fact distinguishable from the earlier case.)

With that as background, here is Burroughs’ heroic footnote:

“[T]he Supreme Court’s recent emergency docket rulings have not been a model of clarity, and have left many issues unresolved. … This Court understands, of course, that the Supreme Court, like the district courts, are trying to resolve these issues quickly, often on an emergency basis, and that the issues are complex and evolving. … Given this, however, the Court respectfully submits that it is unhelpful and unnecessary to criticize district courts for “defy[ing]” the Supreme Court when they are working to find the right answer in a rapidly evolving doctrinal landscape, where they must grapple with both existing precedent and interim guidance from the Supreme Court that appears to set that precedent aside without much explanation or consensus.”

Of course, there will be appeals in all these cases, so perhaps the arc will swing back over time even if, for the moment, justice is served.

And speaking of appeals, the administration has filed its petition for certiorari in what is now styled Trump v. V.O.S. Selections, the IEEPA tariffs case decided last week by the Federal Circuit. Alongside the petition, the government filed a motion — with respondents’ acquiescence — requesting “expedited consideration of the merits to the maximum extent feasible” and proposing that oral argument take place in the first week of November, which is lightning fast by SCOTUS standards. Assuming SCOTUS agrees, that should vault this case to the top of the list of noteworthy SCOTUS cases for the October 2026 term.

Finally, in political news Senator Ernst (R-IA) has announced that she will not seek re-election in 2026. It is a sad commentary on our politics when the Iowa Senator born in 1970 is seeking to retire from public life while the Iowa Senator born in 1933 chose to run for an 8th term in 2022 and hasn’t ruled out running again in 2028. This could put another Senate seat in play next year, with Democratic hopes in Iowa bolstered by a recent State Senate by-election in which the Democrats won a seat 55-45 in a district that went 55-44 for Trump last November.

Trump 2.0: Labor Day

It’s Labor Day today. To celebrate, last week the Department of Labor hoisted a giant banner of President Trump on its HQ in D.C., alongside a similar banner of Teddy Roosevelt. Nothing says “we’re definitely not becoming an authoritarian country” than putting a giant banner of our glorious leader on a government building, amirite?

Trump has kept an exceptionally low profile since a Cabinet meeting 6 days ago, with no public appearances until yesterday morning, when he was seen getting into a limo to go to his Virginia golf club. Later yesterday his social media account posted a picture of him playing golf with football coach Jon Gruden; except that Trump wasn’t wearing the same golf clothes in the picture as he was when he entered the limo, and Gruden was wearing the same golf clothes he wore in pictures he’d posted the previous Sunday, sparking speculation that the picture was in fact a week old. Nothing says “we’re definitely not hiding information about our glorious leader’s health” than keeping him out of the public eye for several days and then posting an old picture without admitting that it’s old, amirite?

In industrial policy news, last week the U.S. government purchased a 10% stake in chip manufacturer Intel, using funds that had originally been earmarked under the Biden-era CHIPS Act as direct grants to Intel. This came less than three weeks after Trump had called for Intel’s recently appointed CEO to resign due to purported links to China, and after Trump had struck a (probably illegal) deal with two of Intel’s competitors (Nvidia and AMD) to grant them export licenses to China for certain AI-related chips in exchange for the U.S. government getting 15% of the revenues. This is where I’m obligated to remind the reader that Trump represents the Republican Party. Nothing says “we’re definitely not devolving into crony capitalism” than bullying a CEO into accepting direct government investment and having the government take a cut of private company revenues, amirite?

One of the major stories of the past week involves Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook, a Black woman originally appointed in 2022 on a 51-50 Senate vote (with VP Harris breaking the tie) and then re-appointed in 2023 for a 14-year term ending in 2038 on a 51-47 Senate vote. Trump’s appointed head of the Federal Housing Finance Agency recently alleged that back in 2021, Cook had committed a form of mortgage fraud by virtue of, in separate mortgage applications for two different properties, indicating that both properties were a principal residence. Without providing any opportunity for Cook to respond to these allegations, Trump then used the allegations as his grounds for purportedly firing Cook “for cause”, the only grounds under which a Fed governor may be removed involuntarily prior to the end of their term. Cook has sued to remain in her position. Recall that in the Wilcox shadow docket decision earlier this year, SCOTUS appeared to distinguish between Fed governors and other appointees; as such it will be particularly interesting to see how this case develops. Nothing says “we’re definitely still committed to the rule of law and the appropriate use of power” than using a political appointee to gather dirt on a political enemy and using that dirt pretextually, amirite?

Enough of that schtick, amirite? Catching up on some other news:

  • Gerrymandering. After two weeks as refugees the Texas Democratic legislators returned to their home state, providing the quorum needed for Texas Republicans to enact their mid-decennial Congressional redistricting plan, which is expected to transfer 5 seats from Democratic to Republican hands in 2026. California has now also enacted their own mid-decennial redistricting plan, which is expected to transfer 5 seats the other way; however, the California plan requires ratification by the voters this November. Other states may be taking action soon. There was also a recent court ruling in Utah against the current gerrymandered map, which splits Salt Lake City into 4 districts to dilute Democratic voting power.
  • Tariffs. On Friday the Federal Circuit issued its 7-4 en banc ruling in the IEEPA tariffs case, V.O.S. Selections v. Trump. The majority per curiam opinion was intentionally silent on the question of whether IEEPA authorizes tariffs at all, but ruled that the tariffs in question exceeded the authority given to the President under IEEPA. Four of those seven judges wrote separately to argue that IEEPA does not authorize any tariffs, period. In a separate order, the ruling was stayed for 45 days to allow the government to appeal to SCOTUS. As such, it now seems likely that this case will reach the regular merits docket of SCOTUS in the upcoming term.
  • Federalization of the National Guard. There are currently over 2,000 National Guard members from six different states in D.C., purportedly to deal with an emergency situation regarding violent crime, but largely there as a show of force by the President. He has signaled that Chicago may be next, to which both Mayor Johnson and Governor Pritzker take great objection. The bench trial in the L.A. Posse Comitatus Act case, Newsom v. Trump, ended two weeks ago with no ruling yet. DHS Secretary Noem yesterday made the ludicrous claim that L.A. would have burned down in June without federal intervention.
  • Trump Organization fraud trial. After taking almost a year to rule, a New York appellate court finally released its ruling on Trump’s appeal in the Trump Organization civil fraud trial under Judge Engoron. The five-judge panel was quite splintered, to the extent that there is no majority opinion. Four of the five agree that the prosecution was warranted. However, only two of those four concur with the outcome of the trial; the other two believe that the errors made at trial were sufficiently critical that a new trial would be required, but of course such trial would be impractical at this point. As such, the ~$500 million disgorgement order has been thrown out, while the injunctive relief that would prevent Trump or his sons from running a New York business remains intact (but continues to be stayed pending full resolution of the appeal).